Column: Fondly remembering Grandpa’s taxes

Original Article

Americans have always reveled in nostalgia about the music, fashion or favorite foods of bygone eras, but a sudden yearning for the high tax rates of yesteryear seems new and strange. While some opinion leaders pine openly for the tax system that once claimed a big majority of income from top earners, their cozy, communitarian vision offers a deeply distorted view of those good old days.

In his defiant “Twinkie Manifesto,” professor Paul Krugman, Nobel Prize winner in economics, affectionately cites “the ’50s — the Twinkie Era” for “lessons that remain relevant in the 21st century.” He particularly applauds the fact that “incomes in the top brackets faced a marginal tax rate of 91%,” and later 70% in the 1960s. He associates that policy with “spectacular, widely shared economic growth: Nothing before or since has matched the doubling of median family income between 1947 and 1973.”

A group called New Hampshire Labor News, self-described “union members and advocates,” similarly praised the golden year of 1952 on the Daily Kos, featuring the headline “Tax Policy: Time to Go Back to the Future?” At The Huffington Post, Dave Johnson has been pushing old-time tax rates for years, including an earnest offering entitled “14 Ways a 90% Top Tax Rate Fix Our Economy.” Meanwhile, Krugman’s fellow New YorkTimes columnist Nicholas Kristof recently caught the fever to punish the rich with grandpa’s tax rates because “half-a-century of tax cuts focused on the wealthiest Americans leave us with third-rate public services.”

As Congress careens toward the dreaded “fiscal cliff,” I’ve also been deluged by callers to my radio show who wistfully recall the higher top taxes of the Nifty Fifties as an instant cure for the current crisis.

The problem with this odd wave of high tax nostalgia is that it ignores one crucial fact about the Eisenhower era: Higher rates on a few wealthy taxpayers didn’t produce higher revenues. Official figures show that at the end of the Eisenhower administration (1958-60), tax payments to government at all levels averaged 28% of the gross domestic product. Today, that number tops 32%.

Even separating federal taxes from local and state taxes, the government in Washington alone takes a bigger bite out of the national paycheck than it did in the warmly remembered Leave it to Beaver era. In the years 1950-59, annual direct revenues to the feds averaged 17.2% of GDP; in the comparable period of the Bush-Obama era (2000-09), even with tax cuts and economic collapse, that figure was 17.7% of GDP.

How could the federal government grab a bigger share of national income when top marginal rates had fallen by nearly two-thirds from their high point under Ike?

For one thing, the theoretical top rates applied to almost no one — with estimates that only 0.01% of 1960s taxpayers officially qualified to pay Uncle Sam at the highest level. Indeed, today’s richest 5% cover a much bigger share of the total tax burden than the old rich ever did. In the good old days of 70% top rates, rich taxpayers covered barely a third of the 60% share of income taxes that they pay today.

The oddest aspect of the nostalgia for high taxes involves the failure to consider the other half of any fiscal equation: the levels of government spending. Krugman, Kristof and kindred strongly suggest that lower tax rates lead inexorably toward reduced levels of government services and public sector investments. But the numbers tell a different story.

In 1956, the year of Ike’s landslide re-election, the federal government’s outlays came to 16.5% of GDP; this year, Uncle Sam is spending an unprecedented 24.3%, the second highest figure in the 66 years since World War II. While leading lights of the left complain (with justification) about greater inequality and reduced social mobility, they can’t blame those problems on lower government spending. Washington pays out more than ever in every major arena other than defense. Countless expensive programs (Medicare, Medicaid, ObamaCare) have been launched since the ’50s without replicating that epoch’s admirable growth.

Those who express their fervent longing to return to the days of 90% tax rates would never welcome the lower levels of revenue or spending that went along with them. Like most dreamers who wallow in nostalgia, they obsess on one cherished element of the past without acknowledging the inconvenient truths that surrounded it.

Michael Medved

Senior Fellow, Center on Wealth & Poverty
Michael Medved is a nationally-broadcast talk radio host, podcaster and best-selling author. With an audience growing to 5 million weekly listeners, his daily three-hour current events and pop culture show has placed for two decades among the ten most important talk shows in the United States. His daily podcast, “In the Light of History,” available with his radio show (commercial-free) to a growing list of subscribers, provides historical context for the news and analysis he covers.